Sacred Books of the East, Vol. 12.pdf

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The Satapatha Brahmana, Part I
Sacred Books of the East, Vol. 12
translated by Julius Eggeling
[1882]
This is part I of the Sacred Books of the East Satapatha Brahamana translation, containing Books I and II.
This portion is notable for the description of the story of the flood of Manu.
CONTENTS
PAGE
INTRODUCTION
FIRST KÂNDA.
Darsapûrnamâseshtî, or New and Full-moon Sacrifices
Vow of Abstinence
Preparation of Offerings
Leading forth of Pranîtâh
Taking out of rice for the cakes
Preparation of strainers and consecration of the rice by sprinkling with lustral water
Husking and grinding of the rice
Putting on of the potsherds
Preparation and baking of the cakes
Preparation of the Altar
Samishtayagus, or throwing away of the grass-bush
Lines of enclosure
Cleaning of spoons
Girding of the sacrificer's wife and eyeing of the butter
The offering-spoons
Covering of the altar with sacrificial grass
Enclosing of the fire with the Paridhis
Kindling of the Fire
The Pravara, or choosing of the Divine Hotri
Âghârau, or two libations of ghee
The Pravara, or choosing of Human Hotri
Prayâgas, or fore-offerings
Âgyabhâgau, or two butter-portions to Agni-Soma
Special Preliminary Rites of New-moon Sacrifice
Chief Offerings, viz.
Cake to Agni.
Low-voiced offering (upâmsuyâga) to Agni-Soma.
Cake to Agni-Soma at Full-moon Sacrifice.
Cake to Indra-Agni, or Sâmnâyya to Indra at New-moon Sacrifice.
ix
1
1
6
6
11
19
23. 38
32
42
47
55
59
67
71
78
83
87
95
114
124
131
138
159
175
190
Oblation to Agni Svishtakrit
p. viii
199
PAGE
Brahman's portions
Idâ
Anuyâgas, or after-offerings
Sûktavâka, Samyuvâka, and offering of remains
Patnîsamyâgas
Concluding ceremonies
SECOND KÂNDA.
Agnyâdhâna, or Establishment of Sacred Fires
Sambhâras
Asterisms suitable for Agnyâdhâna
Seasons suitable for Agnyâdhâna
Upavasatha
Churning and laying down of fire
Oblations
Punarâdheya, or Re-establishment of Fire
Agnihotra, or Morning and Evening Milk-offerings
Agnyupasthâna, or Worship of Fires
Pindapitriyagña, or Oblation of Obsequial Cakes to Deceased Ancestors
Âgrayaneshti, or Offering of First-fruits
Dâkshâyana (New and Full-moon) Sacrifice
Kâturmâsyâni,
or Seasonal Sacrifices
Vaisvadeva
Varunapraghâsâh
Sâkamedhâh
Mahâhavih, or great oblation
Mahâ-pitriyagña
Oblation to Rudra Tryambaka
Sunâsîrya
Additions and Corrections
Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the Translations of the Sacred Books of
the East
208
216
230
236
256
262
274
276
282
289
291
294
302
313
322
338
361
369
374
383
384
391
408
417
420
437
444
452
453
INTRODUCTION.
THE translator of the
Satapatha-brâhmana
can be under no illusion as to the reception his
production is likely to meet with at the hand of the general reader. In the whole range of
literature few works are probably less calculated to excite the interest of any outside the very
limited number of specialists, than the ancient theological writings of the Hindus, known by the
name of Brâhmanas. For wearisome prolixity of exposition, characterised by dogmatic assertion
and a flimsy symbolism rather than by serious reasoning, these works are perhaps not equalled
anywhere; unless, indeed, it be by the speculative vapourings of the Gnostics, than which, in the
opinion of the learned translators of Irenæus, 'nothing more absurd has probably ever been
imagined by rational beings
1
.' If I have, nevertheless, undertaken, at the request of the Editor of
the present Series, what would seem to be a rather thankless task, the reason will be readily
understood by those who have taken even the most cursory view of the history of the Hindu
mind and institutions.
The Brâhmanas, it is well known, form our chief, if not our only, source of information regarding
one of the most important periods in the social and mental development of India. They represent
the intellectual activity of a sacerdotal caste which, by turning to account the religious instincts
of a gifted and naturally devout race, had succeeded in transforming a primitive worship of the
powers of nature into a highly artificial system of sacrificial ceremonies, and was ever intent on
deepening and extending its hold on the minds of the people, by surrounding its own vocation
with the halo of sanctity and divine inspiration. A complicated ceremonial, requiring for its
proper observance and
p. x
consequent efficacy the ministrations of a highly trained priestly class, has ever been one of the
most effective means of promoting hierarchical aspirations. Even practical Rome did not entirely
succeed in steering clear of the rock of priestly ascendancy attained by such-like means. There,
as elsewhere, 'the neglect or faulty performance of the worship of each god revenged itself in the
corresponding occurrence; and as it was a laborious and difficult task to gain even a knowledge
of one's religious obligations, the priests who were skilled in the law of divine things and pointed
out its requirements--the
pontifices--could
not fail to attain an extraordinary influence
1
.' The
catalogue of the duties and privileges of the priest of Jupiter might well find a place in the
Talmud. 'The rule--that no religious service can be acceptable to the gods, unless it be performed
without a flaw--was pushed to such an extent, that a single sacrifice had to be repeated thirty
times in succession on account of mistakes again and again committed; and the games, which
formed part of the divine service, were regarded as undone, if the presiding magistrate had
committed any slip in word or deed, or if the music even had paused at a wrong time, and so had
to be begun afresh, frequently for several, even as many as seven, times in succession
2
.' Great,
however, as was the influence acquired by the priestly colleges of Rome, 'it was never forgotten-
-least of all in the case of those who held the highest position--that their duty was not to
command, but to tender skilled advice
3
.' The Roman statesmen submitted to these transparent
tricks rather from considerations of political expediency than from religious scruples; and the
Greek Polybius might well say that the strange and ponderous ceremonial of Roman religion was
invented solely on account of the multitude which, as reason had no power over it, required to be
ruled by signs and wonders
4
.'
The devout belief in the efficacy of invocation and sacrificial
p. xi
offering which pervades most of the hymns of the Rig-veda, and which may be assumed to
reflect pretty faithfully the religious sentiments of those amongst whom they were composed,
could not but ensure to the priest, endowed with the gift of sacred utterance, a considerable
amount of respect and reverence on the part of the people. His superior culture and habitual
communion with the divine rulers of the destinies of man would naturally entitle him to a place
of honour by the side of the chiefs of clans, or the rulers of kingdoms, who would not fail to avail
themselves of his spiritual services, in order to secure the favour of the gods for their warlike
expeditions or political undertakings. Nor did the Vedic bard fail to urge his claims on the
consideration and generosity of those in the enjoyment of power and wealth. He often dwells on
the supernatural virtues of his compositions and their mysterious efficacy in drawing down
divine blessings on the pious worshipper. In urging the necessity of frequent and liberal offerings
to the gods, and invoking worldly blessings on the offerer, the priestly bard may often be
detected pleading his own cause along with that of his employer, as Kanva does when he sings
(Rig-veda VIII, 2, 13), 'Let him be rich, let him be foremost, the bard of the rich, of so illustrious
a Maghavan
1
as thou, O lord of the bay steeds!' Though the Dânastutis, or verses extolling, often
in highly exaggerated terms, the munificence of princely patrons, and generally occurring at the
end of hymns, are doubtless, as a rule, later additions, they at least show that the sacerdotal office
must have been, or must gradually have become during this period, a very lucrative one.
Although there is no reason to suppose that the sacrificial ceremonial was in early times so fully
developed as some scholars would have us believe, the religious service would seem to have
been already of a sufficiently advanced nature to require some kind of training for the priestly
office. In course of time, while the collection of hymns were faithfully
p. xii
handed down as precious heirlooms in the several families, and were gradually enriched by the
poetical genius of succeeding generations, the ceremonial became more and more complicated,
so as at last to necessitate the distribution of the sacerdotal functions among several distinct
classes of priests. Such a distribution of sacrificial duties must have taken place before the close
of the period of the hymns, and there can be little doubt that at that time the position of the
priesthood in the community was that of a regular profession, and even, to some extent, a
hereditary one
1
. A post of peculiar importance, which seems to go back to a very early time, was
that of the Purohita (literally 'praepositus'), or family priest to chiefs and kings. From the
comparatively modest position of a private chaplain, who had to attend to the sacrificial
obligations of his master, he appears to have gradually raised himself to the dignity of, so to say,
a minister of public worship and confidential adviser of the king. It is obvious that such a post
was singularly favourable to the designs of a crafty and ambitious priest, and must have offered
him exceptional opportunities for promoting the hierarchical aspirations of the priesthood
2
.

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